AGOA's Decline: Reimagining AfCFTA as Africa's Growth Catalyst

By Kwame Asante (Director of Executive, Structured Solutions Development, Cash, Standard Chartered Bank)

The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), a significant U.S. trade program introduced in 2000, is now encountering an uncertain path as renewal talks are delayed in Washington. Should it not be extended, this would signify the conclusion of a 20-year preferential trade arrangement that has influenced economic ties between Africa and the U.S., especially within industries like textiles, farming, and light industry.

The greatest effect would be experienced by countries such as Kenya, South Africa, Ghana, and Nigeria, which have utilized AGOA to expand their exports and draw in investments.

The AGOA offers duty-free entry into the U.S. market for more than 6,500 items from 35 qualifying sub-Saharan African nations. It has encouraged export-driven growth, employment opportunities, and industrial development, particularly within labor-heavy sectors.

Upcoming Turbulence: What's on the Line

In Kenya, the clothing industry has received the main advantage from AGOA, with more than 90% of fabric exports heading to the United States. The initiative provides around 58,000 direct employment opportunities, mostly occupied by women in export processing zones. Without AGOA, these companies are at risk due to increasing tariffs and reduced competitiveness.

South Africa, home to one of Africa's most varied economies, has leveraged AGOA benefits to boost exports of agricultural products like citrus fruits and wine, along with vehicles and manufacturing items. Losing AGOA would reduce export revenues, limit employment opportunities, and interfere with supply networks that aid the larger Southern African Development Community (SADC) region.

Ghana and Nigeria have also utilized AGOA to boost non-traditional exports. Ghana's clothing exports and agricultural products like yams, pineapples, and cocoa-related items have secured a steady market through the program. Nigeria, which previously depended heavily on oil exports under AGOA, has made progress in developing its light manufacturing and food processing industries. These achievements are now in jeopardy.

In addition to the figures, ending AGOA would mark a step back in Africa's efforts to develop its industries, generate employment, and achieve inclusive economic growth. It would also hinder progress in establishing robust supply chains throughout the continent.

AfCFTA: A Key Shift for Strength

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) presents a different approach, moving the focus from external preferences towards creating a strong, unified African market. By bringing together 54 nations with a total population of 1.4 billion and a GDP of $3.4 trillion, AfCFTA seeks to increase trade within Africa, which currently stands below 17%, in contrast to over 60% in Europe and Asia.

At its foundation, AfCFTA aims to strengthen regional value chains. Instead of exporting raw resources, African nations can work together to create final products, boost industrial strength, and increase job opportunities. Important industries like textiles, processed foods, automotive parts, and medicines, which once gained advantages from AGOA, can now be focused on meeting rising demand within Africa.

Furthermore, AfCFTA offers a structure for Africa to engage with international partners from a stronger stance. It highlights the continent's goal to shape its trade policies around common prosperity, self-reliance, and coordinated strategies.

Progress and Priorities

The AfCFTA rollout has achieved considerable progress:

• All 54 nations belonging to the African Union have signed the accord, with 49 having approved it.
• The Guided Trade Initiative, introduced in 2022, is facilitating commerce in accordance with AfCFTA regulations, showing encouraging initial outcomes.
• Four key industries — Agro-processing, Pharmaceuticals, Automotives, and Transportation & Logistics — have been identified for regional value chain development.
• Agreements concerning Products and Services, Investment, Competition Rules, Intellectual Property, and online trade have been discussed and approved.
• Tariff schedules and origin rules now apply to 92% of goods exchanged. Textile and automotive regulations are almost finalized.
• The Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) is now active, linking more than 20 central banks and 160 commercial banks to facilitate transactions in local currencies.
• Seven countries now allow African citizens to enter without a visa, while 24 provide electronic visas.
• An AfCFTA Adjustment Fund, which includes a Base Fund (for technical support), General Fund (for trade infrastructure), and Credit Fund (for enhancing the capabilities of SMEs and the private sector), has been introduced to assist nations in transitioning and investing in trade-supporting systems.

These advancements go beyond mere policy successes, marking essential progress toward a new regional economic system.

To quicken progress, officials should concentrate on:

• Completing the alignment of customs procedures, digital trade frameworks, and product regulations.
• Funding developments including ports, transportation routes, and distribution centers.
• Allowing small and medium-sized enterprises, which constitute more than 80% of African businesses, to enter formal markets, obtain financial support, and meet certification requirements through the AfCFTA.

Implications for African Businesses

The AfCFTA offers a significant chance for businesses to thrive. It provides entry into a market that is becoming more open across 54 nations, presenting larger opportunities and fresh consumer groups. Lower tariffs, easier origin rules, and improved transportation networks make trading between countries more practical and less hazardous.

To benefit, companies must:

• Sign up with the national AfCFTA secretariats.
• Adhere to the certification and origin regulations.
• Place themselves in a favorable position to engage with local supply networks.

Pioneers, especially within manufacturing, transportation, and agricultural processing, are positioned to achieve a competitive edge as the trade environment evolves.

How We Can Help

With a 150-year history on the continent, Standard Chartered is actively helping clients manage and gain advantages from AfCFTA. We offer:

• Availability of funding and online commerce and cash systems.
• Policy recommendations and strategic guidance on AfCFTA; and
• Services designed to assist companies in expanding across regions.

Our objective is to link clients with emerging growth areas, facilitate the movement of capital, and promote equitable trade throughout Africa.

Final Thoughts: Africa at a Critical Turning Point

The possible termination of AGOA signifies a crucial turning point in the economic ties between Africa and the U.S. However, instead of perceiving it as a disadvantage, it should be regarded as an opportunity for autonomy. The AfCFTA offers a framework to shape a new story, focused on growth driven by African initiatives, trade within the continent, and the development of regional value chains and integration.

The necessary policies and tools have been established. The goal is evident. What is left is unified action. Government officials, companies, and development allies need to collaborate to ensure AfCFTA becomes more than a trade deal, but a powerful driver of growth across the continent.

Africa is entering a new era of trade, this time according to its own conditions.

Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc.Syndigate.info).

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GTYA Praises Ghana's Informal Sector Revenue Plan; Calls for Economic Reforms

The head of Green Tax Youth Africa (GTYA), Mr. Nii Addo, has praised the Ministry of Finance and the Ghana Revenue Authority (GRA) for their courageous and well-planned initiatives in tackling Ghana's persistent revenue collection challenge within the informal sector.

If implemented effectively and with adequate backing, the new policies have the potential to significantly enhance Ghana's financial capacity and direction of growth, given that more than 80% of the nation's revenue prospects are linked to this area.

Mr. Nii Addo characterized the action as "well-timed and forward-thinking," highlighting that it demonstrates a robust governmental reaction to persistent demands from interested parties to introduce innovations and expand the tax base for more fair and inclusive domestic resource generation, which should ultimately reduce the pressure on the formal sector.

This policy approach represents a positive move forward. The informal sector continues to be the foundation of Ghana's economy and its potential for generating revenue. Enhancing tax adherence within this area can greatly reduce the budget shortfall and promote equitable growth, said Mr. Addo.

Nevertheless, GTYA calls on the government to support these initiatives with essential macroeconomic reforms aimed at protecting low-income individuals, especially young people and women, from increasing inequality. Mr. Addo highlighted recent increases in utility bills and rising fuel prices, which place a heavier burden on essential consumers and weaken household stability.

Key Economic Strategy Suggestions from GTYA

1. GTYA urges the Public Utilities Regulatory Commission (PURC) and the government to update the quarterly electricity increase system, which has widened the inequality gap and impacted essential consumers, particularly in low-income areas.
2. Increasing fuel costs, resulting from high taxes and charges, have widespread impacts on transportation, goods, and service provision. GTYA suggests limiting all fuel-related taxes and charges to GH¢1.50 at the pump, as currently being done, to offer financial support and enable citizens to benefit from Ghana's oil resources.
3. GTYA urges the government to reclaim every cedi that was improperly obtained by individuals with political influence and public officials, whose unaccounted wealth implies the improper use of state assets. These resources should be channeled towards initiatives focused on public development.
4. Ghana suffers significant financial losses each year due to corporate tax avoidance, manipulation of transfer pricing, and other illegal capital movements. The government needs to enhance regulatory and tax management frameworks, improve transparency regarding beneficial ownership, and enforce severe consequences for multinational tax exploitation.
5. GTYA cautions that too many tax breaks and exemptions, particularly for foreign companies, are depleting government funds. These measures should be reviewed and connected to specific socio-economic performance metrics, such as job generation, knowledge sharing, and involvement of local resources.

6. Ghana holds the position of the 12th most costly nation in Africa, meaning the government needs to act quickly

   respond to the high cost of utilities, rent, food, and transportation, which continue to be essential but expensive

   unaffordable for many.

7. GTYA supports progressive tax measures aimed at wealthy individuals, such as taxes on private jet users, those traveling in first class, and cargo shipping companies, in line with suggestions from the Financing for Development Conference held in Seville, Spain, on June 30th, 2025.
8. These "environmental levies" can support climate resilience and technological advancement efforts while promoting financial fairness.

Call to Action

Mr. Addo ended by calling on civil society organizations, academic institutions, private sector leaders, and international development partners to assist the government in creating a fairer and stronger financial system, based on fairness, effectiveness, and long-term viability.

"The real test of effective economic policy lies in its effect on the everyday lives of regular people. If citizens don't experience relief within six months of being put into action, we need to go back and adjust our approaches. Ghana needs to meet this challenge," Mr. Addo said.

Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc. (Syndigate.info).

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The BRICS Dilemma: Growing Power, Slow Gains

Despite internal conflicts and a lack of strong leadership affecting the events, this week'sBrics summit in Brazilconveyed a clear message: the world's developing economies are determined to define their own future, aiming for agreement where there was previously only Western control.

In a joint statement released on Sunday, leaders of Brics nations expressed concerns about the risks to the global economy from the "unselective" application of tariffs and the "increase in trade-limiting measures" — subtle hints at the US President.Donald Trump'unique approach to trade policy - while also criticizing the latestU.S. and Israeli military attacks on Iran.

The group of 10 members - featuring founding countries like China, Russia, and India, along with recent additions such as Iran, Egypt, and Indonesia - currently encompasses almost half of the global population and contributes approximately 40 percent of the world's economic output.

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Developed two decades ago as a platform for quickly growing economies, Brics has transformed into what many now see as a Chinese-dominated alternative to the Western system.

The examination is whether the classification aligns on significantly more than it diverges.

Sarang Shidore, director of the Quincy Institute's Global South program

Experts highlight Sunday's joint statement as proof that Brics may still evolve into "a competing framework to a US-dominated global system," while warning that the alliance's increasing variety poses its biggest obstacle.

"The test lies in whether the grouping agrees on significantly more than it disagrees regarding the items on its agenda," said Sarang Shidore, director of the Global South programme at the Quincy Institute, a Washington-based think tank. He noted that Brazil has demonstrated considerable diplomatic ability in facilitating agreement on both the bloc's condemnation of attacks onIranand the summit's concluding statement, despite the internal disagreements that came with Brics' swift growth.

One of the bloc's most sensitive agreements came in its demand for a peaceful two-state resolution to the Israel-Palestine dispute. Although Iran has consistently argued thatIsraelshould be destroyed, an Iranian diplomatic source cited by Agence France-Presse stated that Tehran's "concerns" had been communicated to Brazil, although it did not go as far as rejecting the joint statement.

To be regarded with seriousness, Brics needs to go beyond words, enhance its internal unity, and produce "measurable external influence," as stated by Mihaela Papa, a senior research scientist at the MIT Centre for International Studies.

"Some leaders chose not to participate or were hesitant to join the summit," she said during an interview with This Week in Asia, pointing out ongoing disagreements regarding reforms to the UN Security Council and the lack of consistent support among nations during emergencies.

Nevertheless, Papa acknowledges the bloc for fostering agreement on development finance, global health, climate change, and artificial intelligence: "issues where the Trump administration's involvement in multilateral efforts has decreased."

"If Brics demonstrates greater commitment, its reputation will increase," she stated.

'A Russo-Chinese duopoly'?

Chinese President Xi Jinpingwas notably absent from this year's Brics summit - the first time he has missed since coming into power over a decade ago - with PremierLi Qiang attending instead.

Russian President Vladimir Putin, being sought by the International Criminal Court for the 2022 incidentinvasion of Ukraine, was also notably missing. As a party to the Rome Statute, host country Brazil would have been required to execute an arrest.

Although there are these gaps and varying perspectives, the impact of Brics remains widespread.

"Brics is becoming the most significant link for an alternative framework to the US-dominated system — not anti-American, but still involved in areas where the US is increasingly absent," Shidore stated, highlighting development finance, protecting the multilateral trading system, and increasing access to health and climate solutions.

However, the group's tangible accomplishments are limited, primarily focused on theNew Development Bank, which supports infrastructure and sustainable development throughout the Global South. "A group as varied (as Brics) will require more time and a clearer focus to enhance its provision of solutions in a world that is becoming more divided," Shidore remarked.

The establishment of a Brics "guarantee fund" aimed at reducing financing expenses and drawing additional private investment into important development initiatives—rumored to be under consideration—would highlight "the kind of prompt, solution-oriented action that many emerging economies increasingly perceive as lacking in G7 or NATO processes," noted Jamil Ghani, a doctoral student at Singapore's S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, whose areas of research include foreign policy.

However, demands for more inclusive governance continue. Brazil has encouraged the New Development Bank to expand its rotating leadership beyond the five original Brics members— a step that Jamil stated would "help eliminate the image of a Russo-Chinese partnership and make Brics more appealing to Asean countries."

As long as Brics continues to push for moving away from the dollar, it will stay on his (Trump's) list of concerns.

Mihaela Papa, an expert in international relations

The United States is also increasing the pressure. Earlier this week, Trump warned thatany country implementing "anti-American strategies"engaging with Brics would encounter a 10 percent tax on exports to the United States — the initial instance where an American president has directly highlighted Brics as a collective. "As long as Brics continues its efforts to reduce reliance on the dollar, it will stay in his focus," Papa mentioned, alluding to the group's goal of shielding its economies from Western sanctions and trade conflicts.

Ghani mentioned that Trump's warning probably would push new Brics members like Indonesia, Egypt, and the UAE to consider the advantages of expanding their economic portfolios versus the potential dangers to their access to the US market.

He forecasts that the outcome will likely be a collection of subgroups within Brics - progressing at varying rates on topics like e-customs, local-currency transactions, and AI regulations - instead of a single, cohesive approach.

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This piece was first published in the South China Morning Post (www.scmp.com), a top news outlet covering China and Asia.

Copyright (c) 2025. South China Morning Post Publishers Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Tanzanian Startup Transfers $1 Billion to Africa and Asia

Ideas often emerge to solve problems. What were the initial challenges you faced, and what opportunity did you see in the market? I started building NALA in 2017. It wasn't an easy path; I built, failed, rebuilt, and failed again. In April 2018, we launched a USSD-based app to help users manage mobile money more efficiently. It didn’t perform well. However, we reached number one on the Play Store in Tanzania, and then we received a cease and desist letter from the country's largest telecom operator, accusing us of stealing customer PINs. Around the same time, I was called in by the central bank to explain how our technology worked. It was a frustrating moment, especially as a young innovator, around 24 or 25 years old, trying to solve real issues. How did you manage to shift from a mobile money management app to international remittances? Pivoting was challenging; no one likes to fail. Moving from domestic payments to cross-border remittances was a tough decision, especially since I had never lived in the UK before. But then the COVID-19 pandemic hit, and we began seeing a global shift: more people preferred digital channels for sending money. That’s when I noticed two important trends. First, population growth in Africa and Asia was accelerating. Africa has about 1.2 billion people and is expected to reach 2.5 billion by 2050, with the world's largest workforce. Asia showed similar patterns. Second, with population growth comes increased migration. Every year, approximately 1.6 million Indians and 1.1 million Africans leave their home countries in search of opportunities abroad. And when people migrate, money follows, along with trade. We realized there was a massive opportunity to build a financial infrastructure that serves this global movement of people and money. Today, NALA is one of the largest remittance companies in Africa. We handle over $1 billion in annual transfers to Africa and Asia. More importantly, we are contributing meaningfully to local economies. There have been conflicting reports regarding Nala's decision not to base operations in Tanzania. What's the real story? People say what they want because it sells. It's frustrating to see misinformation, especially when no one asks for my side. I did apply for a license in Tanzania—it just took longer than in other markets. When you raise foreign capital, investors expect results. We got approval faster in Kenya with a letter of no objection from the Central Bank, so we launched there first. That's just business. Kenya also has stronger tech talent. Today, we do have an office in Tanzania and local employees. But Nala doesn't have a single headquarters. If we go by revenue, the U.S. would be our HQ. By headcount, it's the UK. By impact, it's Africa. We operate in 11 countries in Africa, 19 in Europe and North America, and four in Asia. We have an office in Nairobi for several reasons. One is that the UK is where we started, and the first country that gave us permission to send money to was Kenya. While I was waiting for approval from Tanzania's central bank, we received our license in Kenya, so that's where we had to build our support base, as the number of customers was growing rapidly. It took about a year and a half to get regulatory approval in Tanzania, but only two to three months in Kenya. As a tech company, time is your enemy, and speed wins. Another reason we built a customer support base in Kenya is language. In Tanzania, English proficiency isn't as widespread as it is in Kenya, so hiring staff with the required level of English would have been much more expensive. My decision was based on market dynamics, customer growth, and language efficiency. Some government representatives have claimed to be in talks with you to bring Nala home. What's your response? A lot of them are lying. I hear claims being made in Parliament by people I've never even met. If someone really wants to solve problems, they can just call me. Let's solve it together. You entered a remittance space dominated by companies such as Western Union and MoneyGram. What gave you the confidence to take them on? I was told not to do this business many times. I've got emails and WhatsApp messages warning me I'd fail. But I had a team that believed in the vision. We decided to try. If it worked, great. If it didn't, at least we tried. Too many people just talk and never launch. Truth is, we could still fail. I tell my team all the time: we're still a small company with a long way to go. What gave you the conviction that this could work? I pray. But full conviction is impossible; you can always be wrong. Indecisiveness, however, is too expensive. I ask God for wisdom, strength, and understanding. Then we give it our best. As long as you know you tried your best, you're already closer to success. Nala is known for blending local market expertise with global experience. What does that look like practically? Talent and opportunities are everywhere. What gets interesting is when you bring together someone who's worked in mobile money in East Africa, someone from digital banking in London, and someone from Singapore. When you put them in the same room, something magical happens. It stimulates creativity and problem-solving in a way that's really customer-focused. That's what excites me about how we're building Nala. Let's talk about the talent gap in tech and financial services across Africa. How much of a challenge is this for your business, and is the situation improving? I don't think we take software engineering or computer science seriously enough in Tanzania. If I were in the Ministry of Education, I'd make it mandatory in the school syllabus from an early age. Not everyone will love it, and that's okay, but we need to stimulate minds early on. Also, we need to create policies that bring talent into Tanzania. Look at the UK's Tech Nation visa or what Dubai is doing with digital nomad visas. They bring in smart people who raise the average quality of local talent. Tanzania needs to move in that direction if we want to become competitive in tech. Africa continues to lose tech talent to Western markets that offer higher pay. How do you respond to that dynamic? I think more people should leave Africa for better opportunities abroad. We don't have enough local jobs. Take Kenya, for example. Its biggest export is tea, around $1.2 billion in 2023. But Kenyan diaspora sent back $4 billion in remittances in the same year. So is talent Kenya's greatest export? Possibly. We should view migration as an opportunity, not a loss. Doesn't this migration risk widening the local talent gap even further? Not necessarily. You can solve it in other ways. Bring in global talent with digital nomad visas. Offer tax incentives. These people will spend locally and raise the level of discussion and skill-sharing. If they live in Tanzania, they'll go to local hackathons, tech meetups, and share knowledge. That's how ecosystems grow. What is your view on Tanzania's updated foreign policy and the introduction of special status for the diaspora? I know it's a sensitive topic, but I believe Tanzania should enable dual citizenship. I've seen the impact of this across the markets we work in; Uganda has dual citizenship, so does Kenya. It enables more trade and investment back home. Special status is a step forward, but the real question is: how do we get Tanzanians abroad to build more businesses at home? From January to June this year, African startups raised around $1 billion in VC funding, but Tanzania didn't feature prominently. Why are we missing from that narrative, and what needs to change? There are several systemic issues. Do we have scaled tech companies? Do our policies support founders? Do we have an ecosystem that helps startups grow? Most people blame regulation, but it's more than that. One big issue is language, English. Most software is in English, but we teach it too late in our public schools. Compare that to Kenya, where English is introduced much earlier. Language builds trust. If a Tanzanian founder struggles to express themselves during a pitch, it affects investor confidence. That needs to be addressed at a national level. There's been concern about startup founders losing equity with every round of funding. What's your take? Raising debt is tough, and people have lost a lot of money trying. At NALA, all the fundraising we've done so far has been equity-based, which means my shareholding has reduced with each round. Today, I'm no longer the majority shareholder. That said, we're considering our first debt round this year. Are you worried about losing control of the company? There's always a risk, not just in Africa, but globally, and not just in tech, but in every kind of business. It's tough. I've seen friends who spent 10 to 15 years building companies and ended up with almost nothing. That's a reality we face. The key is alignment, with your board, with your team. Everyone must be on the same page. How difficult is it for startups in Africa to raise capital? It's very difficult. Raising money isn't the reward. When we raised $40 million last year, one of my board members told me, "Benji, the chef doesn't celebrate getting ingredients. What matters is what you cook." Raising capital in Africa is tough. Many investors associate the continent with instability, war, and disease. You have to constantly work to change that perception and build trust. When you take investor money, it's not charity; it comes with pressure and expectations. Every boss has a boss, and I do too. Honestly, my hardest market in Asia was easierSyndigate.info).

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Pepesa Farmers Launch Oil Palm Nursery Enterprise

By Erica Apeatua Addo

Pepesa (W/R), July 10, GNA – Eighteen farmers in Pepesa, within the Prestea Huni-Valley Municipality, have been provided support by the Gold Fields Ghana Foundation (GFGF) to launch an oil palm nursery production enterprise named "Ecopalms GH."

The group, consisting of fifteen women and three men, has already raised 24,000 premium oil palm seedlings, with 23,000 of them set to be bought by the Foundation and given to 500 farmers within three years.

However, the farmers are required to find their own buyers for the remaining 1,000 oil palm seedlings, as the Foundation will not continue purchasing indefinitely.

Revealing the initiative in Pepesa, Mr. Abdel-Razak Yakubu, Executive Secretary of GFGF, mentioned that Ecopalms GH was established to grow saplings when they started oil palm farming in their local areas.

He stated, "We used to travel to Kade in the Eastern Region to get seedlings for farmers. The long trip affected the quality of the seedlings and increased our costs; therefore, we chose to grow our own seedlings locally."

Mr. Yakubu mentioned that the residents of Pepesa provided them with a plot of land, and they gathered 18 community members to establish the company called Ecopalms GH.

As per the executive secretary, the Business Resource Division within the Prestea Huni-Valley Municipality assisted the farmers in establishing the company, and they have fulfilled the necessary criteria.

"What's intriguing about the program is that GFGF allocated approximately GH¢180,000 to it. The whole initiative spanned eight months, and following that, the Foundation purchased one seedling for GH¢12, meaning they have earned GH¢280,000," he explained.

Mr. Yakubu stated, "We are purchasing the saplings at a lower cost since the Foundation helped set up the nursery and covered the expenses for the seeds and all related costs. Each of these saplings can be sold for GH¢27."

He also stated that "GFGF is assisting its host communities in recognizing that, with these significant opportunities present, they don't need to turn to illegal mining, which is highly dangerous."

He stated that after successfully finishing the oil palm initiative, the Foundation would soon start working on a coconut cultivation project.

Dr. Isaac Danso, Principal Research Scientist and Director at the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research-Oil Palm Research Institute (CSIR-OPRI), stated that oil palm is the second most significant cash crop in Ghana. However, current production amounts to 350,000 metric tonnes annually, resulting in a shortfall of 50,000 metric tonnes.

He mentioned that in order to tackle the shortfall, the government established the Tree Crop Development Authority to oversee and define the operations of industry participants.

"One issue we encounter is the widespread presence of counterfeit oil palm seedlings, but Ecopalms GH obtained their planting materials from CSIR, a recognized organization that focuses on producing authentic hybrid oil palm plants," Dr. Danso stated.

He emphasized that using appropriate planting materials and effective methods would enable Ecopalms GH to boost output and narrow the difference between supply and demand.

Dr. Danso assured that they would establish a collaboration with Ecopalms GH and potentially sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to enable access to their technologies.

Mr. Solomon Quaicoe, Director of Ecopalms GH, expressed gratitude to the GFGF for their generous support and collaboration, and pledged to strive harder to serve farmers across the country.

GNA

Edited by Justina Paaga/Kenneth Odeng Adade

Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc. (Syndigate.info).

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Comms and Branding with Samuel Owusu-Aduomi: Why Gov Communication Needs Fewer Rebuttals

Throughout various administrations in Ghana, a concerning trend has become firmly established: the typical approach to official communication tends to be reactive, emotional, and confrontational — instead of being strategic, calm, and focused.

As one government transitions to another, the people involved may differ, yet the script continues to remain unchanged. Rather than using communication as a means to promote understanding, build trust, and create national agreement, it is often used as a defense against criticism or, even more troubling, as an instrument in political conflicts.

Public discussions evolve into defensive speeches. Media interviews transform into aggressive displays. Press releases are quickly put together reactions to public anger instead of forward-looking stories that educate and calm.

The emphasis, repeatedly, lies in countering opposition, suppressing disagreement, and gaining political advantage—rather than involving the public or clarifying governmental policies with understanding and compassion.

This ongoing pattern goes beyond merely undermining public confidence — it undermines the core of democratic conversation. In an era where the public is more knowledgeable, more outspoken, and more demanding than ever before, these obsolete methods of communication are no longer adequate. If anything, they increase the divide between the government and the people, intensifying dissatisfaction and skepticism.

It's high time for a fresh start. Government communication needs to move from reactive responses to a strategic approach, from conflict to engagement, and from being defensive to demonstrating thoughtful leadership.

Strategy is not a choice — it is crucial

A well-functioning government's communication is not an extra or a PR indulgence — it is a fundamental aspect of governance. It acts as the link between leaders and the people, influencing how policies are perceived, how choices are interpreted, and how credibility is either gained or lost. When done effectively, communication turns complicated policies into understandable stories, controls public expectations, reduces false information, and — above all — fosters public confidence.

However, trust is not formed through spontaneous actions. It is gained by maintaining consistency, clear communication, and reliability — all of which require a conscious, planned strategy in how we convey our messages.

Regrettably, within Ghana's political environment, this crucial priority is frequently overlooked. Government messaging often alternates between silence and excessive response, between composed distance and dramatic self-defense.

Public involvement is often confused with showmanship: clever responses are valued more than factual information, and the focus is on winning verbal contests instead of enhancing general comprehension.

Media interviews are handled similarly to political arguments. Press briefings serve as stages for ideological displays. Social media, which could be a powerful instrument for openness and immediate conversation, has become a field for mockery and exaggerated content. Amid all this, what is lacking is the steady confidence of leadership—communication that listens initially, clarifies afterward, and motivates continuously.

This goes beyond a simple missed chance; it represents a significant risk. In an information environment that is constantly changing, where the public is increasingly demanding and critical, the government cannot afford to use old, reactive methods of interaction. Leadership should not only be shown through choices but also through the way these choices are conveyed.

The importance of strategic design

Government communication must be carried out with the same level of precision and purpose as the development of policies. It is not based on assumptions; it is a structured field — one that combines logical analysis with emotional awareness.

On one side, the field of strategic communication necessitates a structured approach. This involves dividing the audience — recognizing who the message is intended for; shaping the message — designing it in a manner that connects; selecting the platform — determining where and how to deliver it; and deciding on the timing — identifying when it will make the most difference. It also involves having systems in place to measure public opinion and modify strategies as needed.

On the contrary, the skill of communication is rooted in empathy and building connections. It involves tone and presentation. It means understanding how a mother in a market or a university student in Tamale could perceive a message in different ways. It is about going beyond cold bullet points and numbers to share stories that illustrate real-life experiences. It is about making governance more human.

Nevertheless, in many instances in Ghana, the reverse occurs. Rather than adopting a cohesive strategy, communication turns into a rushed effort. Statements are released only once a crisis has escalated. Reactions tend to be defensive instead of enlightening. The message is influenced more by the need to protect political image than by a sincere effort to address the public's issues.

These immediate responses not only harm trust, but also increase public anger. People are not just looking for notifications — they seek confidence. They wish to know what is occurring, the reasons behind it, and its impact on them. This can only be accomplished by communication that is forward-thinking, well-planned, and focused on the needs of the people.

A genuinely strategic communication strategy would require foreseeing the questions that may arise. It would involve providing answers not only with facts, but also with background and empathy. It would mean seizing every chance—whether in interviews or social media posts—not solely to support government policies, but to clarify them and foster connections of mutual understanding.

In essence, dialogue should stop serving as a means for political endurance and instead transform into a foundation of national governance.

Communication must connect — not disconnect — trust

A government representative is more than someone reciting scripted messages. They serve as a connection — an essential link between policy and the public, between governmental choices and public comprehension.

Their responsibility goes beyond simply sharing information; it involves interpreting purpose, establishing trust, and promoting belonging. When executed effectively, government communication enhances the social agreement; it engages citizens in the governance system and makes them feel connected to the country's progress.

However, that bridge collapses as soon as communication turns confrontational instead of constructive. When government representatives view public criticism as a personal attack or see disagreement as betrayal, they neglect their fundamental responsibility. Such a defensive attitude not only distances the public but also increases suspicion towards governmental bodies.

In a working democracy, differing opinions are not harmful — they are essential. People who question government decisions are not enemies to be defeated; they are individuals with a vested interest whose voices should be considered. Their worries, disappointments and even anger usually come not from ill intent, but from unfulfilled hopes, ignored hardships or a wish to see their nation succeed.

Regrettably, the present communication culture in Ghana has made aggressive speech and biased confidence commonplace. Government spokespersons often display an aggressive attitude — interrupting reporters, undermining different opinions, and labeling legitimate issues as "propaganda" or "uninformed." Rather than encouraging a national dialogue, they deepen divisions. And when this occurs, governance faces challenges — since without trust, even the most effective policies can fail.

In the end, the purpose of public communication shouldn't focus on gaining cheers from the party's supporters. Instead, it should aim to gain trust throughout the entire range of audiences. Trust isn't developed by loudness or hostility; it's established through openness in clarifying choices, modesty in acknowledging mistakes, and consistency in maintaining a unified message across all platforms and during times of emergency.

The importance of emotional intelligence compared to emotional work

A significant, yet frequently neglected, issue in government communication is the mix-up between emotional labor and emotional intelligence. Numerous communicators think their job is to display unwavering calmness — to maintain a stoic appearance when confronted with public outrage. They hide their visible irritation, repeat prepared statements, and act composed as a responsibility.

However, genuine emotional intelligence extends well beyond surface-level impressions.

Emotional intelligence involves grasping the emotional environment of your audience — and reacting to it with insight, compassion, and flexibility. It's the skill of sensing the atmosphere, identifying changes in public mood, and modifying your tone and communication accordingly. It means understanding when keeping quiet can be more impactful than responding, and when a sincere acknowledgment is more respected than a well-crafted denial.

An individual with emotional intelligence does not perceive questions as pitfalls, nor do they see criticism as personal assaults. They stay calm not through repression, but due to a clear understanding within. They interact with compassion, clarify with tolerance, and guide with serene confidence.

This difference is important — as communication involves more than just the words spoken, but alsohowIt is often stated. A defensive and anxious speaker might possess all the correct information but still fail to connect with the audience. In contrast, a calm and respectful communicator can capture people's hearts even when conveying tough messages. This highlights the strength of emotional intelligence.

Adopting this change would alter the nature of public discussion in Ghana. It would ease the intensity of national debates, lessen the confrontational style of media interactions, and allow room for authentic conversation — the sort that democracies greatly require.

A mindset of deliberate messaging A framework of intentional outreach A system of calculated dialogue A philosophy of purposeful expression A structure of focused messaging A tradition of planned communication A practice of targeted information sharing A method of controlled messaging A protocol of structured communication A discipline of intentional discourse

For Ghana to enhance the bond between the government and its people, it needs to make a significant change in how it communicates. The importance of this effort is too great to continue with the same methods. The focus on performance, counterarguments, and blame should be replaced by a structured, people-centered strategy based on expertise, planning, and understanding.

We need to shift from spontaneous to intentional communication. Government representatives should never participate in media interviews or press briefings without proper preparation. Each interaction should be driven by a well-defined goal, grounded in accurate information, and conducted with a courteous manner.

We need to move away from indifference and adopt a more compassionate approach to listening. People do not wish to be looked down upon — they desire to be treated with respect. When leaders recognize their suffering and present their strategies with genuine intent, confidence is built.

We need to substitute personal stories with messages based on data. Effective communication should showcase the actual experiences of people — not just political viewpoints. Genuine narratives, factual statistics, and tangible outcomes should direct all communications.

Most importantly, we need to emphasize constructive conversations rather than confrontational debates. Press briefings and public remarks should serve as opportunities to clarify policies and build agreement, not to gain political advantages or attack adversaries.

In conclusion, Ghana doesn't require louder voices in government communication. It requires more thoughtful ones.

From combative to constructive

The government's communication should never be viewed as a battlefield. It is not meant to be a place for political conflicts or exchanging partisan criticisms. Instead, it should serve as an important medium for promoting mutual understanding, encouraging national agreement, and maintaining the delicate yet crucial trust that supports a democratic society.

In the current intricate and rapidly changing information environment — where false information circulates quickly, public worry is intense, and people are more knowledgeable and outspoken than ever before — the importance of thoughtful, compassionate, and balanced communication has never been greater. Although anger and intensity might boost political support in the short run, they damage the long-term bond between the government and its citizens.

Effective dialogue emphasizes clear expression rather than conflict, attentive listening instead of monologues, and intention over ego. It encourages leaders to look past the current political situation and reflect on the wider consequences of their words, the timing of their speech, and—most crucially—its underlying motivation.

If government communication focuses on defense, the public starts to anticipate avoidance. When it turns aggressive, people become disheartened. However, when communication is conducted with modesty, insight, and planning, it can reshape national stories, ease conflicts, and encourage teamwork in addressing issues.

This goes beyond the issue of tone — it concerns governance. A government that fails to communicate clearly and with respect is incapable of effective leadership.

Ghana is at a critical juncture. The issues we encounter — including economic revival, joblessness among young people, education, safety, and medical care — require leadership that is both firm in its policies and thoughtful in its communication. Consequently, the function of government communicators must move beyond the traditional patterns of political bias and spontaneous responses.

It's time for a change in approach — moving from communication that only protects to communication that guides. From messages that create division to messages that bring people together. From a culture of counterarguments to a culture of accountability.

Our democracy relies on it. Our progress depends on it. And most importantly, our citizens are entitled to it — not as a political gesture, but as a fundamental democratic right.

For government communication to genuinely benefit the country, it needs to transition from reflecting political agendas into guiding the nation's overall goals.

Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc. (Syndigate.info).

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Chinese Entrepreneurs in the U.S. Discover the American Dream's Harsh Reality

With the US using tariffs to try to bring manufacturers back, an unpredictable trade policy, a contentious immigration enforcement strategy, and declining consumer demand have dimmed the appeal of the American dream for some Chinese investors currently in the country.

On Monday, President Donald Trump delayed the launch of a new set of his so-called mutual tariffs – which were initially scheduled for July 9 – moving the implementation date to August 1. His recent actions includetariffs as high as 40 percent on goods coming from 14 nations- several of which are closely allied with China in trade, such as Japan, South Korea, Laos, and Kazakhstan.

From the beginning of his tenure, Trump has used tariffs as a central tool to revitalize American manufacturing, increase jobs for blue-collar workers, and reduce the trade deficit. However, this approach is causing difficulties for investors like Peter Wang, who established a mobile-phone-repair factory in Dallas, Texas, in 2002.

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"Trump's tariffs have definitely attracted more American customers to us - but they still want the speed and low costs associated with Asian factories, and that's simply not feasible in the US," said Wang, whose plant employs over 200 workers and is currently operating at a break-even point.

When American customers wish to test new products, Chinese manufacturers can quickly adapt - they are flexible, involved, and willing to make it happen," he said. "In the US, an entire production line can come to a halt simply because the system isn't properly configured.

Trump aims to repatriate manufacturing, yet his advisors appear unaware of the actual workings of the supply chain.

Peter Wang, Texas

The U.S. customs and tax systems do not provide any viable solutions. If I have to incur such high expenses, why would I consider moving production to the U.S.?" he stated, adding that he continues to obtain raw materials from Asia, albeit at a higher cost. "Trump aims to bring manufacturing back, but his advisors appear not to grasp how the supply chain truly functions.

Trump has positioned bringing manufacturing back as a core element of his economic strategy since his initial term, and this year's global tariff initiative has further advanced that goal.

Nevertheless, not all individuals perceive it as a complete loss, highlighting the increased prospects they recognize for local suppliers in the downstream sector.

"Materials sourced from Asia are becoming more expensive, leading more local businesses to opt for domestic suppliers — which is actually helping many smaller American suppliers further down the supply chain," Wang stated.

As per the US Bureau of Economic Analysis, manufacturing contributed $2.9 trillion to the economy in the first quarter of 2025, representing a 0.6 percent rise compared to the same period in the previous year, highlighting its significant role in the economy after finance, business services, and government.

US manufacturing activity indicated a recovery in the previous month, as the Institute for Supply Management's Purchasing Managers' Index increased to 49.0 in June compared to 48.5 in May.

Certainly, Trump implemented corporate tax reductions - but his approaches are extremely erratic

Mr Zheng, investor

Evan Gu, a mattress producer, moved his modest factory from Guangdong province to the San Francisco Bay Area in 2018 in order to escape tariffs implemented during Trump's initial term. He allocated $200,000, and the relocation was completed within two months.

Although existing tariffs have not affected Gu's supply chain or his 12 employees, he notices a different form of pressure emerging.

"From what I've heard from my customers and others, many of them report that their buying power has decreased by 30 to 40 percent, and it seems like no one is willing to spend money anymore, as they are facing much higher prices due to the tariff increase," Gu said.

Mr. Zheng, a Chinese investor who established an automotive components factory in Texas in 2023, believed he was following the guidelines—doing precisely what the US encouraged by bringing manufacturing back to the country. However, even this has not protected him from increasing scrutiny.

When Trump initially introduced the 25 percent tariff in 2019, we thought about relocating from the Yangtze River Delta, but the pandemic put our plans on hold," he stated, speaking under the condition of anonymity. "Later, in 2024, just after the factory was finished, Biden announced a new set of tariffs.

And now, the immigration policies during Trump's second term have made things even more challenging, Zheng stated.

Mexicans put in a lot of effort but are compensated well below the local minimum wage," he stated. "And now, they must also be concerned about ... the large-scale deportation wave.

Indeed, Trump implemented corporate tax reductions – but his policies are extremely unpredictable. We invest two weeks in training an individual, and just as they become productive, immigration intervenes and removes them. How can we make long-term plans under such circumstances?

(Texas) is hoping that residents will take initiative and establish factories. However, most Americans are not showing interest.

Evan Hu, manufacturer constructor in America

The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics stated in May that approximately 414,000 positions in manufacturing were available, marking a small increase from 392,000 in April, as persistent labor shortages continue within the industrial sector.

Evan Hu, a factory developer based in Texas, mentioned that his business was once thriving — but that has changed. Since last year, he has been receiving questions from Chinese companies operating in areas like semiconductors, electric vehicles, and solar energy, all interested in starting operations in the state.

Four factories are currently operational under his leadership, with three additional ones in progress. However, he mentioned that increasing policy challenges are beginning to slow the momentum.

Last year, Chinese investors were waiting in line to inquire about establishing factories," Hu said. "But since Texas passed thatland-restriction law(last month), interest plummeted in the second quarter.

The legislation was enacted on June 20, introducing significant limitations on property ownership by individuals and organizations from specified nations, such as China, Iran, North Korea, and Russia. The law becomes active on September 1, prohibiting Chinese investors from purchasing land or long-term assets within the state.

The government is counting on residents to establish factories," Hu stated. "However, most Americans aren't showing interest - building factories is extremely expensive here, and they're not keen on taking such a significant risk.

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NEPRA Orders Discos to Refund Rs0.50 per Unit, K-Electric to Pay Rs4.03 to Consumers

The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority has instructed the state-owned power distribution companies (Discos) and K-Electric to return Re0.50 per unit and Rs4.03 per unit respectively to customers, as they had charged extra based on the reference monthly fuel costs. NEPRA has also turned down the Ministry of Energy's proposal to delay K-Electric's FCA process, stating that the MoE's request to postpone the FCAs is premature without any official decision from the cabinet.

In two separate rulings, the regulatory body has approved a negative adjustment of Re0.50 per unit against the positive adjustments of Re0.10 per unit that the DISCOs had requested, concerning the May monthly FCA. Conversely, regarding the negative adjustments of Rs4.69 per unit sought by KE, the authority has permitted a refund of Rs4.0349 per unit to consumers based on the April FCA. In a petition filed on behalf of the former WAPDA Distribution Companies (DISCOs), the Central Power Purchasing Agency Guarantee Limited (CPPA-G) stated that the actual fuel cost in May was Rs7.4940 per unit, which is Re0.1015 per unit more than the reference cost of Rs7.3925 per unit for that month.

However, following multiple calculations, the regulator determined that the real fuel cost for May was Rs.6.8972 per unit, which is Rs 0.4952 per unit lower than the reference tariff of Rs.7.3925 per unit. The regulator has instructed the Discos to return Re0.4952 per unit to consumers in the July bill.

The CPPA-G has asked for Rs57.333b in fuel cost elements from different plants for May 2025, but the regulator approved Rs51.847b after subtracting Rs5.486b, due to the latest NEPRA decisions on applicable fuel cost components for the same month. K-Electric had requested NEPRA's approval for a refund of Rs4.69 per unit to consumers, which would affect Rs7.713 billion, as a result of the April 2025 monthly FCA.

However, after setting aside Rs0.8 billion related to partial load, open cycle, and degradation curves along with startup costs for the period from July 2023 to April 2025, the regulator has approved a refund of Rs4.0349 per unit. K-Electric had requested Rs16 billion for the same reasons during the period from July 2023 to April 2025. The Authority has already temporarily set aside Rs15.2 billion from monthly FCAs between November 2024 and March 2025 to avoid placing an excessive burden on consumers in the future for these outstanding costs. Therefore, as of April 2025, Rs0.8 billion remains pending due to partial load, open cycle, and degradation curves along with startup costs, according to K-Electric's claims.

In line with the principle of not overburdening consumers at a later stage and ensuring timely recovery of reasonable costs, the Authority has decided to temporarily withhold the pending amount of Rs.0.8 billion from the immediate FCA of April 2025. 31. Based on the above discussion and after considering the adjustments mentioned earlier, the Authority has calculated a negative FCA of Rs4.0349/unit, resulting in a negative impact of Rs6,176 million for the month of April 2025, which will be passed on to consumers in the billing month of July 2025. 32. The aforementioned negative FCA of Rs.4.0349/unit is being provisionally allowed, subject to adjustment once the MYT of KE for the period FY 2024-30 is announced. Any difference in cost, if applicable, will be adjusted in future revisions. NEPRA has also turned down the federal government's request to delay the KE's FCA process for April, stating that provisional FCA proceedings have been ongoing for about two years, yet the MoE never raised any objection to the reference FCC of Rs15.9947/unit. The proceedings for the FCA of April 2025 were initiated through an advertisement dated 12.06.2025, and the hearing was rescheduled twice, but the MoE has not managed to submit any policy guidelines or obtain Cabinet approval. The regulator stated that the MoE's request to delay the FCAs is premature without any formal decision from the Cabinet. Furthermore, under Section 31(7) of the NEPRA Act, the Authority may, on a monthly basis and no later than seven days, make adjustments to the approved tariff due to variations in fuel charges, although these timelines are considered advisory rather than mandatory.

The NEPRA Act ensures consistent tariffs for public sector licensees, but the NE Policy 2021 states that the government can also maintain a uniform consumer tariff for K-Electric and state-owned distribution companies (even post-privatization) by including direct or indirect subsidies. Hence, it is yet to be determined if the NEPRA Act and other relevant documents permit uniformity in FCAs or not. Moreover, the delay in MLRs does not prevent the Authority from continuing with FCA proceedings, as there is no suspension in place. The regulator has instructed KE to refund Rs4.0349 per unit to consumers in the July bill.

Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc. (Syndigate.info).

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Path to a Brighter Future

Today, I will concentrate on the necessity of increased financial transfers from the wealthy North to the South - especially during a period when President Trump and the United States, along with numerous other Western nations, are cutting back on aid. I will contend that these transfers need to increase and take various forms, with multinational corporations and the broader private sector actively involved - for social, health, climate change, and other reasons, as well as to support overall growth and a more equitable distribution of wealth in developing countries. There is still much to be done, albeit late, since the end of the Colonial era, and since the United Nations' and the West's efforts to establish a New International Economic Order (NIEO) in the 1970s. The initiative was managed by the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), founded in 1964, but despite good intentions, the effort did not succeed; the Geneva-based organization remains, albeit quietly; its significant goals and work should be reinvigorated. Last week, however, it hosted the '4th International Conference on Financing for Development' (FFD4) in Seville, Spain, where a comprehensive plan for a better world was adopted.

The Norwegian Minister for Development Cooperation, Åsmund Aukrust, was a prominent speaker at the conference held in Sevilla. He stated, "The world has never been wealthier - so why does poverty still exist?" In an article co-authored with Lisetta Trebbi, the Acting Director General of NORAD, the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation, published in 'Panorama Nyheter' in Oslo on 03.07.25, additional details and topics were discussed. The article highlights that in a world marked by conflict, climate change, and rising costs, it's easy to believe we can't afford more spending. However, the authors argue the opposite, citing data from the 'Global Wealth Report,' which indicates that global savings now exceed USD 500,000 billion—enough to eliminate extreme poverty multiple times over. "There are resources available, but they are being diverted away from developing nations," Aukrust and Trebbi write.

The difference between what is required to achieve the UN's sustainable development goals and the actual funding being provided is greater than ever. Each year, there is a shortfall of USD 4-5 trillion—equal to one percent of global private savings. Meanwhile, wealthy nations are reducing their development aid budgets. What explains this situation? The key contradiction lies in the use of tax havens, secret fund transfers, and the growing accumulation of wealth, according to Aukrust and Trebbi.

In the concluding declaration of the meeting, titled 'Compromiso de Sevilla', four key actions were outlined as part of a plan aimed at creating a fairer world for the poorest nations. First, there is a need to boost development assistance. Second, efforts should be made to enhance tax collection capabilities and systems in developing countries, with support from donor nations. Third, the private sector should contribute more positively to the development of these countries, rather than acting against their interests. At times, private enterprises require more stability for future activities, which might necessitate assurances from donor countries. Fourth, new mechanisms must be established to manage the substantial debts of developing countries, including debt cancellation. Several nations allocate more funds to debt repayment than they do to their own education and healthcare budgets.

Aukrust and Trebbi mention in their article that the Sevilla summit offers renewed optimism regarding development funding. 192 UN member nations continue to back these initiatives, despite the USA withdrawing from the process a few weeks ago. 'The Sevilla declaration sends a strong message: A different world is still achievable. Now, it's time for words to translate into action, and Norway will remain at the forefront,' the two Norwegian officials in charge of development aid state. Norway played a crucial role during the twelve-month preparatory phase for the conference, alongside Mexico, Nepal, and Zambia, with input from the remaining UN member states, NGOs, and the private sector.

I hold a more skeptical view regarding the implementation compared to Aukrust and Trebbi, and there isn't much novel in the pledges either—similar to UNCTAD's proposals for a New International Economic Order in the 1970s. Well, perhaps the increased involvement of the private sector is somewhat new. However, there is minimal specific information from Sevilla regarding what donor nations will actually do and how they plan to deliver aid, including the scale and methods of improving collaboration with developing countries. I am convinced that significant changes are necessary; otherwise, only limited progress will be observed—and just as in my younger days, when we had high hopes for UNCTAD and the NIEO, this will end up being merely a 'Sevilla dream.'

There is a need for a historical analysis alongside a future projection, highlighting the errors made by wealthy nations but also explaining how they, too, will gain from establishing a more equitable global order, among other things, regarding migration and the development of vibrant and optimistic local environments for everyone. This certainly implies improved, less corrupt, and genuinely democratic governance within developing countries. In many instances, new institutions must be established in these countries to manage the increased international transfers, involving governments, NGOs, and both local and international private sectors, including major multinational corporations. A new structure with shared local and international leadership is essential to build trust among people in both the North and the South in the new system and its implementation.

In relation to a Conference of the Parties (COP) summit several years back, a new framework for significant financial transfers aimed at addressing climate change and environmental crises was introduced, which also included compensation for past exploitation of developing nations by developed ones. A key element was that wealthy nations should take responsibility for rectifying past and ongoing errors. This is commendable, yet it appears that very little has been accomplished in terms of achieving these objectives, including the establishment of a substantial fund. At the most recent conference, COP29, held in Azerbaijan in November last year, both participation and media attention were reduced compared to previous gatherings. Despite the promising Sevilla concepts, their outcome might mirror that of the COP initiatives, similar to how the UNCTAD and NIEO ideas of the 1970s ultimately failed. I could be mistaken about the future of COP or the Sevilla roadmap. Nevertheless, specific actions are necessary to ensure success.

Who will make the necessary efforts to bring the Sevilla ideas to life? The first thought is the group that was involved in organizing the conference, particularly Norway, which was the sole donor country in the group, along with the UNCTAD offices in Geneva. It's time to stop making grand promises and raising unrealistic expectations. This approach is counterproductive to building trust in development assistance, which currently has a poor reputation due to high costs and limited outcomes. We need a new and significantly increased level of development aid, as well as entirely new methods of implementation. Recipient countries should take the lead, with donors playing a supporting role. People in developing nations experience the need for improvements in social and economic conditions daily. Rich countries also require a moral revival, not only for their own citizens but also because they cannot continue to expand their military budgets at the current rate. We all need to consider and carry out positive actions on the path toward creating the better world we all desire.

Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc. (Syndigate.info).

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Exposed: Sky-high airport parking fees as travelers pay hundreds for brief stays

• READ MORE: Holidaymaker shares the 'clever' bag that meets Ryanair's baggage rules - yet offers four times the space because of its 'ingenious' sections

Travelers heading out on their summer vacations might end up paying nearly £200 for airport parking for a four-day trip.

New information shows that parking for brief periods is nearly 90 percent pricier in England compared to Scotland.

However, there is an alternative that many are unaware of, which proves to be more cost-effective, as per research from the price comparison site Confused.com – indicating that individuals are paying more by not evaluating their choices.

With millions of British people getting ready to travel overseas for sunny vacations, many will pay to park their vehicles near the terminals — averaging £93.90 for four days in a short-term parking lot.

Four days under a long-term stay plan results in an average cost of £59.

The priciest parking was located atLondonCity Airport, with a price tag of £189 for under a week.

Nevertheless, a representative from London City Airport mentioned that only 10 percent of their travelers arrive by private vehicle, adding, 'those who do use our parking facility appreciate the convenience of walking to our terminal from any part in just a few minutes.'

The prices represented the minimum available on the websites of UK airports over four dates, including two periods in August and two in October, encompassing a range of peak and off-peak times, along with weekends and weekdays.

Prices vary significantly throughout the country. Parking at Scottish airports is half the cost compared to England, where it is 17 per cent above the UK average.

Some smaller regional airports in Scotland provide free parking, which helps reduce the average cost.

Wales has the distinction of having the highest average long-stay cost among UK regions – £81, which is 93 per cent higher than Scotland's average.

In addition to comparing parking costs, a survey of 2,000 Brits found that fewer than a quarter of those planning trips compare the cost of parking at airports with that of hiring a taxi.

However, this study revealed that travelers typically spend an average of £92 on a taxi ride to and from the airport – frequently making it a more cost-effective choice.

Staying away from the car might ease some of the stress related to parking at the airport.

One third of the people surveyed are worried about their vehicle getting damaged while parked, with 19 percent fearing it might be stolen, and another third concerned about the time required to get from the terminal to the parking area.

'Although airport parking is typically convenient, the price can be difficult, particularly during busy travel periods. Some travelers may end up paying more than necessary because they book at the last minute or fail to check their choices,' said Alvaro Iturmendi, a travel insurance expert from Confused.com.

Our study revealed that over one in five (21 percent) individuals prefer driving and parking in an airport car park as their chosen airport transfer method.

So, discovering methods to lower the expense could make the decision more appealing.

Making sure to reserve ahead of time, investigating on-site park and ride options, and evaluating if sharing a taxi is feasible can help lower expenses, Iturmendi mentioned.

Arranging your airport transfer in advance, similar to booking flights and lodging, can significantly impact your total travel expenses.

London's City Airport has been reached for a response.

This year, management at Gatwick Airport – the second-largest airport in the UK – proposed increasing parking fees and drop-off charges.to obtain permission for a second runway.

The suggestions were included in a submission to the Planning Inspectorate, which had mentioned that Gatwick must guarantee that at least 54 per cent of passengers reach it via public transportation if it aims to extend its services.

The airport's top executive stated that the primary method to reduce the number of car arrivals by half is to increase fees—particularly because they have no influence over the railway system.

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